The comprehensive peace agreement (CPA), aimed at fair, equitable and just sharing of power, wealth and security in the Sudan, and mostly in Southern Sudan. It is a document that has resulted from several attempts of peace deals after decades of devastating civil war in Southern Sudan and some areas of Northern Sudan. There is so much to admire and few provisions to fear in that comprehensive document. However, in this article, I will limit myself to political analysis of power sharing protocol only.
In modern politics, government power is supposed to be achieved and practiced in accordance with the ideals of liberal democracy: Dignity and human rights of every citizen, Common good of the citizens, Freedom for all who are not guilty of any crime, Justice to all based on the rule of law and constitutionalism, Truth from all leaders and people, Reconciliation by all from the bitter past memories, Integral development of the people without marginalization, Participation of the citizen with inclusive involvement in government affairs, Economic subsidiarity by the stronger to the hardworking weaker, Solidarity with the poor citizens, Integrity with the environment so that it preserved for future generations, Peace within and among all citizens and their neighbours, and of course majority rule that respects minority rights without tyranny.
The CPA was born out of the conviction that "good politics will necessarily lead to good economy and sustainable security in the Sudan." Since politics is about power and since good politics is about democratically legitimate power, the CPA started with the Machakos Protocol that stipulated clearly the principles that are required for achieving a realistic and sustainable peace and development in the Sudan. That protocol was referred to the Declaration of Principles (DoP), which was signed by SPLM/A rebels and NCP/NIF government in 1994 through IGADD (which later became IGAD) mediation. The crux of Machakos protocol (signed by Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit) was the development of political will from the government and rebel movement sides for addressing the root causes of the conflicts and transforming Sudan democratically through a new structure of transitional (pre-interim and interim) government based on practices of good governance and popular consensus. That government was supposed to separate religion from the conduct of the state affairs and promote the co-existence of national diversities in the whole country without discrimination or marginalization. That meant, no more mosques in government institutions and no more prayers inside public offices, no more taxes for Holy War (Jihad) on government officials and workers, no more Imams in government business (which did not involved religious issues), no more discussion of government plans and strategies in Muslim's gatherings, and no more ...etc.
Based on Machakos Protocol principles, the CPA addressed what is supposed to be done for a fair power sharing between the South and North and also in Southern Blue Nile State, Southern Kordofan State and Abyei Area, with a recommendation that the CPA will not become fully successful without peace in Western (Darfur) and Eastern Sudan) and without owning it to all Sudanese people. Since SPLM/A represented the aspiration of majority of Southerners and minority of Northerners in their twenty-one (21)-years of struggle, it was granted the monopoly of power in Southern Sudan and some influence in Khartoum and Northern States. Also, since the NCP was the government and (perhaps) represented the majority of Northerners in their sixteen (16)-years of struggle with the SPLM/A rebels, it was granted the monopoly of power in Northern States (but with some reservation like the protection of rights of Non-Muslims in the capital city or Khartoum State) and also some influence in Southern Sudan States. (However, there was no special restrictive case for the capital city of Government of Southern Sudan (Juba) in terms of protection of rights of Non-Christians).
In the final negotiations in Naivasha in 2004, 70% of political decision-making was awarded to SPLM party in Southern Sudan. The remaining 30% was distributed among other political parties, including the NCP. On the other hand, the NCP partner was awarded with 70% control of the decision-making in Northern Sudan. The remaining 30% was given to other political parties including SPLM. Nine State governors of Southern Sudan were given to SPLM and the remaining one to NCP. Thirteen state governors of Northern Sudan were given to NCP and the remaining one to SPLM. All parliamentary speakers of Southern States were to be from SPLM and all of the North to be from NCP. Even at the level of the highest office in the county (The Presidency of the Republic of the Sudan) the NCP were given the biggest share and control (the President plus the Vice president who are from NCP minus the First Vice President who is from SPLM).
Given this political reality of the CPA partnership politics in the Sudan, a critical person can understand why NCP is in control of the national decision-making and Northern Sudan States, and why SPLM is in control of GoSS decision-making and Southern Sudan States. A critical person can also comprehend why other political parties like Umma of Saddiq Al-Mahdi and Popular Congress of El-Turabi refused to endorse the CPA. Nevertheless, as far as multi-party politics is concerned, it is the right of any political party (singly or in coalition with other parties) to get as much powers of the government as possible so that it can promote its vision and programme through the legitimately controlled government powers. And since the main purpose of any political party is to ascend to highest control of government and politics in a country, there is nothing called unfair distribution and sharing of power in that context. The Umma Party, the Popular Congress Party and other opposition parties also have the rights to coalesce and work hard to get the upper control of government powers in the country by democratic means in that election, but with a condition that they will not meddle with changing any provision of the CPA and Interim Constitutions. That is why the coming General Election is very critical and risky for all the political parties in the country.
The NCP/NIF government and SPLM/A rebels have spent sixteen (16) years as bitter enemies struggling for the control of Sudan politics and power, but at the end they decided to sit down and become partners for power, wealth, and security sharing in the Sudan. They legitimized that through the CPA and the resultant Interim constitutions that are supposed to be effective till 2011. It will be up to them in the coming mid-term general election (in 2009) to divorce if they find partnership unworthy to keep. However, that divorce (if at all it is going to be) should be done by peaceful means because it will not be good to take the country back to devastating war. H.E. Mr. President Al-Bashir has stated in a press conference in Italy last weak at the end of his visit to Vatican City that he is not going to wage war in Southern Sudan again, nor is his party (NCP) ready to do that. On the other hand, H.E. Mr. First Vice President, the president of GoSS and SPLM Chairman, H.E. Mr. Salva Kiir addressed GoSS parliament in Juba that Sudan may go back to war if the NCP partner continue to drag its feet on the implementation of some protocols and articles of the CPA, and if it continue to support the stubborn militias in Southern Sudan. The diverging statements of these top leaders have neutralized themselves because war takes place when two sides are ready to fight and not when one side is not prepared. Given the progresses that have taken place, so far so good in regard to the CPA implementation, there is no need to go back to war when the whole world wants peace in the whole Sudan. There are still peaceful and right means to be exhausted yet in regard to the motion of the stagnant CPA articles. SPLM need to get convinced that they are strong and can usher their political influence in the country without necessarily using war as a threat and means to weaken the politics of the NCP. For SPLM to utilize that strength successfully, it needs to remain united and works as one political body on consensual principles rather than individual campaigns. It needs to continuously built confidence in all its members that all of them are important in the implementation and safeguarding of the CPA for the remaining four years.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
* James Okuk Solomon is a Sudanese and a PhD Student in the University of Nairobi. He can be reached at:
Newer articles:
Older news items
- RE: Comment to your subjective article on Dr. Lam - 18/09/2007 14:09
- New Measures - 18/09/2007 13:34
- National Civil Service Commission and Prof. Moses Machar - 16/09/2007 20:04
- Just a point to occupy our creative thoughts, Collo!! - 14/09/2007 01:36
- H.E Salva Kiir speech in Legislative Assembly. - 13/09/2007 19:58
Latest news items (all categories):
- Violence in South Sudan is rising again: what’s different this time, and how to avoid civil war - 19/03/2025 13:47
- 50,000 residents displaced by violence in South Sudan - 19/03/2025 13:44
- International community offers to facilitate South Sudan peace talks - 19/03/2025 13:40
- Poor Advisor—Bad Decision—Scenario 56' - 19/03/2025 13:37
- مالك عقار: بين نضال الأمس وخيانة الشعب الجنوب سوداني - 19/03/2025 13:27
Random articles (all categories):
- NILEPET signs a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with SUDAPET in Juba - 19/09/2022 06:48
- South Sudan troubles not unique among new nations - Fox News - 25/04/2012 17:11
- South Sudan beat Tanzania 2-1 in Cecafa U-18 tourney - 29/11/2023 04:04
- Sheik Yassin Omar's works on Islamist projects - 15/08/2007 03:12
- Sudan army pulls out of ceasefire talks with rival paramilitary group - 31/05/2023 02:54
Popular articles:
- The Final Communique of SPLM-DC Third Session of the National Council - 29/03/2011 01:00 - Read 76327 times
- Roles and Definition of Political Parties - 29/04/2011 01:00 - Read 61633 times
- Agriculture in Southern Sudan: Challenges and Investment Opportunities - 06/10/2010 01:45 - Read 42617 times
- Fashoda Youth Forum Rehabilitation of Drainage Culverts in Malakal town Report - 07/08/2008 16:22 - Read 33971 times
- Dozens of gunmen on horseback ambush peacekeepers - 24/05/2008 13:47 - Read 26953 times