On 9 July 2011, South Sudan hoisted its national flag just minutes after declaring independence and becoming the world’s newest sovereign state, to wild applause, tears and song. “Today we shall raise the flag of South Sudan to join the nations of the world,” said Pagan Amum, the secretary general of the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), speaking at the base of a giant flagpole.
People whistled and wiped tears of joy from their eyes, as jubilant crowds chanted “we shall never, never surrender.” In less than a week after its independence proclamation, the UN General Assembly, by acclamation, admitted the Republic of South Sudan as the 193rd member of the United Nations, sealing the new African country’s independence after decades of conflict. “Welcome, South Sudan. Welcome to the community of nations,” UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said.
South Sudan independence came as a result of nearly six decades struggle during which an estimated 2.5 million South Sudanese died. No single family in South Sudan that has not lost a son or daughter during the struggle. It is a hard-earned victory for people of South Sudan. Under the 2005 peace accord that ended the lengthy civil war between the North and the South of Sudan, voters in the South were granted the right to self-determination in which they voted overwhelmingly to secede from the North and form the world’s newest country.
Still, the euphoric feelings and celebrations that extended into daybreak in the capital, Juba, cannot obscure a sobering truth: building a functional new country will take decades of hard work. Responsibility falls mainly on South Sudan, but also on friendly states and the international community that shepherded it.
The world’s 193rd state is faced with enormous internal conflicts. It has not yet resolved some of the outstanding issues with the North. The new state ranks at the bottom of almost all human development indicators and lacks even basic infrastructure. The majority of people live on less than a dollar day and lack access to basic health care. More than 10 percent of children do not reach the age of 5. Some 80 percent of adults cannot read.
After decades of northern domination and plunder, South Sudanese look forward to a new dawn of peace and prosperity. Yet in the past six years, the Southern political elite had distanced itself from the people and quietly admired the privileged status of their northern oppressors. Their main preoccupation has become plundering the new country’s resources.
Corruption is an open secret in South Sudan. Everyone seems to know about government officials’ houses in foreign countries, the private schools for their children in the West or other African capitals. Resources meant for basic services and infrastructure development are corruptly channeled to personal accounts.
In the eyes of many in the peripheries, Juba has replaced Khartoum. While the majority remains in abject poverty, those in government – largely former bush commanders in the guerrilla Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) – and their friends and families, along with current SPLM higher-ups, enjoy a good life.
In his inaugural speech on July 9, President Salva Kiir Mayardit talked tough about corruption. “In order to develop our country and deliver on our development goals, it’s critical we fight corruption,” Kiir said. “As president I pledge to you to do all I can to remove this cancer.” But many argue that since his appointment as the President of the Government of South Sudan, Kiir has turned a blind eye on corruption and he is likely to continue doing so in post-independence South Sudan.
In the world newest country, governance instruments and practices are designed to support private interests of the party in power, the SPLM. The country’s transitional constitution, which was rushed through the parliament amid intimidation from the ruling party, has been widely criticized for its authoritarian tendencies. The constitution was written to increase presidential powers and emasculate governance institutions like Parliament and Judiciary. For example, the president has the right to unilaterally sack governors and state representatives.
Political opposition is viewed as unpatriotic and joining the rank and file of the ruling party is highly celebrated. The ruling clique constantly subjugates the general public and consequently strengthens tribal allegiance at the expense of developing national loyalty. This further entrenches ethnic identities as political leaders start to organize political violence – as exemplified by numerous rebellions in greater Upper Nile region – against ethnic groups seen as supporting opposing political forces. In a country of over 60 different ethnic groups, this threatens to break the new nation into a collection of ethnic entities.
While these are not the only challenges facing the new country, there are major elements of the 2005 peace agreement that still have not been resolved. Among these sticking points still the parties have to tackle are – the setting of final borders between the two countries; the future of the oil-rich region of Abyei, where fighting has recently broken out; management of oil resources; popular consultation in Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan (the Nuba Mountains) where SPLA-North forces are currently battling Sudan Army Forces and its loyal militias; and citizenship protections for minorities.
Africa’s 54th country faces enormous challenges and some have gone as far as calling it a “pre-failed state.” Success or failure of the new state will depend on its ability to stem the tide of corruption, end ethnic divisions within its own borders and find political solution to all of the outstanding issues of 2005 peace accord with the North.
In short, the current jubilation in South Sudan will only last as long as the ruling SPLM manages to deliver internal security and meet the responsibilities that come with sovereignty.
Paul A. Nyibek can be reached at
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